President Trump has already stirred
up the Middle East by suggesting a U.S. takeover of Gaza and the relocation of
its 2 million Palestinian residents.
More drama could soon be on the way
as the U.S. president hints at — but hasn't spelled out — plans for other
countries in the region that include Syria, Saudi Arabia and Iran.
In the vast stone courtyard at the
8th century Umayyad Mosque, Syrian lawyer Ahmed Kassab offers a message
intended for Trump.
"Syria is exhausted from 14
years of war. We don't want any more wars. We want peace.
We want to
live," Kassab said.
Like many Syrians, Kassab wants
friendly relations between Syria and the U.S., putting an end to the decades of
friction between Washington and the country once ruled by Bashar al-Assad and
his father before him, Hafez al-Assad.
Kassab says it's time for the U.S.
to lift wide-ranging sanctions imposed during Syria's civil war, which ended
with Assad's ouster in December.
In a series of off-the-cuff remarks,
Trump has been dropping clues about what he's likely to do in the Middle East,
which is coping with the aftermath of several recent conflicts. But the lack of
details, and Trump's unpredictable nature, make the comments hard to interpret.
"There is a kind of a scramble
to understand what Trump is going to do in the Middle East," said Paul
Salem, a Beirut-based analyst with the Middle East Institute. "It's kind
of jarring to see a message that says, 'Nothing's certain, and everything's on
the table. Everything has to be renegotiated.' "
Syria is a "mess"
In Syria, Trump has said he intends
to keep his distance. "We're not involved in Syria. Syria is its own mess.
They've got enough messes over there. They don't need us involved," Trump
said recently. Yet the U.S. still has around 2,000 troops in northeast Syria,
where they guard against a resurgence of the Islamic State.
In his first term, Trump wanted to
withdraw the American forces after the Islamic State was defeated. But his
advisers talked him out of it, arguing that remnants of the extremist group
could sow more chaos if they were not kept in check.
So far, Trump has been noncommittal,
saying only that he's evaluating the situation. But if the president removes
those forces, it's not clear whether Syria's new military would be able to
contain the Islamic State. The Syrian army is still being cobbled from various
armed factions and is still a work in progress.
Hussein Ibish, with the Arab Gulf
States Institute in Washington, said the small number of U.S. troops play a
critical role.
"You couldn't ask for a bigger
bang for the buck," said Ibish. "It's small numbers, but the impact
of their removal will be considerable, because there'll be a scramble for
power" in Syria and neighboring Iraq.
Those U.S. troops also work closely
with Kurdish forces who are part of the Syrian Democratic Forces, or the SDF. The
Kurds would feel extremely vulnerable if the Americans leave, Ibish added.
The lure of Saudi investment deals
In contrast to Syria, Trump is eager
to work closely with Saudi Arabia. His goal is clear: a three-way deal with
Israel and Saudi Arabia establishing diplomatic ties, while the U.S.
strengthens economic links with the Saudis.
"He will be very close to Saudi
Arabia and the Gulf countries," said Salem, with the Middle East
Institute. "He's a businessman. He's interested in investment, in
technology and the energy markets."
The Saudis are already floating the
prospect of $600 billion worth of investments in the U.S.
But Trump's pursuit of megadeals is
likely to collide with the messy details of unresolved regional issues, like
the establishment of a Palestinian state.
"The Saudis have made it very
clear that the price [for diplomatic and business deals] has gone up, and
they're talking about the creation of a Palestinian state or ironclad moves in
that direction," said Ibish.
Yet Israel's current government, led
by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, flatly opposes a Palestinian state. And
tensions are still high as Israel and Hamas attempt to navigate a shaky
ceasefire deal on Gaza.
Trump is calling for the U.S. to
take over Gaza, with its 2 million residents being located elsewhere in the
region, possibly Egypt and Jordan. But those countries and other Arab states
have emphatically rejected Trump's plan, as have the Palestinians.
Jordan's King Abdullah met Trump at
the White House on Tuesday and said he stressed "Jordan's steadfast
position against the displacement of Palestinians in Gaza and the West
Bank."
In a social media post, he wrote,
"This is the unified Arab position. Rebuilding Gaza without displacing the
Palestinians and addressing the dire humanitarian situation should be the
priority for all."
Trump faces a weakened Iran
Then there's Iran. Trump recently
signed an executive order calling for "maximum pressure" on Tehran.
That's the same approach Trump took throughout his first term, though he said
he hopes he doesn't have to rely on pressure tactics to the same extent this
time around.
Iran has been weakened on several
fronts. Israel battered Iran's proxies, Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Iran lost a key ally when Assad was ousted in Syria. And Israeli airstrikes
inflicted serious damage to Iran's air defenses, making the country much more
vulnerable in any future confrontation.
Eyal Hulata, a former national
security adviser in Israel, said this is an opportune time for Trump to squeeze
Iran hard until it makes major concessions on its nuclear program.
"What is necessary is to
reengage in a pressure campaign," said Hulata, who's currently based in
Washington. "Iran needs to give away their nuclear ambitions for a very
long period of time."
However, Hussein Ibish said Iran may
be willing to negotiate now. He suggested Trump make an offer to Iran along
these lines: "You can have sanctions relief. You can have regime security
for a time, certainly, if you just back off. Because if you sprint to a
(nuclear) bomb, you're sprinting to disaster. We will destroy your nuclear
facilities in a matter of a week."
In his first term, Trump tried to
reduce the U.S. footprint in the Middle East. Presidents Barack Obama and Joe
Biden took a similar approach. Yet so far, all have found that turmoil in the
Middle East keeps pulling them back in.